This has been a difficult piece to write. At a deeply personal level researching on the serial rape and abuse of thousands upon thousands of underage British girls by men of mostly Pakistani Muslim heritage – that went on unabated for decades, aided by nearly every arm of the British state that systematically tried to brush the horror under the carpet – has been a humbling, upsetting and even a bruising experience.

(Article republished from FirstPost.com)

As an Indian sitting in India, and as someone whose job it is to write, the degrees of separation and professionalism should have insulated me somewhat as I went through the details of dreadful depravity that those defenceless children were subjected to. But it didn’t. I missed a self-imposed deadline chiefly because as I went down the rabbit hole, it was increasingly impossible to remain objective.

How can one remain objective when one encounters accounts of minor girls subjected to “gang anal rape using a pump by five or six men”? In his sentencing remarks in 2013, Judge Peter Rook writes, at one point the child “had four men inside her. A red ball was placed in her mouth to keep her quiet.”

Or in Telford, one of those mill towns in the unfashionable part of north England where white, working-class girls were being abused by an organised network of Pakistani Muslim paedophiles by thousands. One such was Lucy Lowe, who “died at 16 alongside her mother and sister when her abuser set fire to her home in 2000. She had given birth to Azhar Ali Mahmood’s child when she was just 14, and was pregnant (with Mahmood’s unborn) when she was killed.”

In Telford alone, notes The Telegraph, “at least 1,000 girls were abused in the town between 1980 and 2009.”

Thousands and thousands of mostly white (some Sikh), underage girls were gang raped, sodomized, beaten up, drugged, abused, humiliated and passed around like pieces of meat. The accounts are horrific. Reading the details takes away a little part of the soul. Yet these must be read.

The world must know how the British state not only failed in its primary duty of protecting the most vulnerable and defenceless part of its population, but worse, is guilty of collusion with the sexual predators. From the police, administration, political leadership, civil society or the media – every part of the state apparatus either looked away, pretended that the evil does not exist, or even more tragically went after the parents and whistleblowers to penalise them instead.

American journalist Dominic Green, writing in the Free Press, says “the grooming and serial rape of thousands of English girls by men of mostly Pakistani Muslim background over several decades is the biggest peacetime crime in the history of modern Europe. It went on for many years. It is still going on. And there has been no justice for the vast majority of the victims.”

Judge Rook’s observations after the trial of Akhtar Dogar, Anjum Dogar, Kamar Jamil, Mohammed Karrar and Basam Karrar in 2013, paint a picture of unimaginable depravity, exploitation and abuse that sends a chill through the spine. The physical and emotional trauma inflicted upon the victims prompted the mother of a 15-year-old to say how by the time the pack of wolves were done with her, “there was not much left of her apart from aggression. You took her soul. She felt as though it had been ripped out.”

The Pakistani-Muslim child rape gangs, euphemistically referred to as “Asian grooming gangs” in British media and establishment to avoid mentioning the ethnicity of the criminals, would not only ply the teenage victims with drugs and alcohol to make them malleable for abuse, but “force them into providing sex to vast numbers of strangers” for money. “Up to four or five men would be invited to addresses so they could have sex with her. Men were brought from Bradford, Leeds, Slough and London. Sometimes the sex would be photographed no doubt to lure more customers.”

“If she resisted, she would be coerced. Customers would become angry. For instance, if oral sex was required, her head would be pushed down, her hair pulled and she would be slapped. Strangers would burn her with cigarettes. A stranger almost throttled her. One deliberately scratched her vagina with his nails. One inserted a hairbrush into her vagina.”

The victims, consequently, suffer “from nightmares, panic attacks and flashbacks”, some have been “diagnosed with Post Traumatic Distress Disorder, and suffers from bouts of anxiety and depression… self-loathing… difficulties in relationships…” and carry “a great burden of shame and embarrassment about what happened…”

Staggeringly, the scale of the abuse is still unknown. Former UK Independence Party leader Lord Malcolm Pearson at a recent British parliamentary intervention put the number of young, white minor girls raped and abused by Muslim men of Pakistani descent at 250,000.

Lord Malcolm Pearson of Rannoch, UK calls out how Britain’s Grooming Gangs are largely Pakistani Muslim men.

It is estimated that around 250,000, young white British minor girls have been victims of rape and sexual abuse by Pakistani Muslim men.

Due to political correctness and… pic.twitter.com/zYUcMvnPFZ

— INSIGHT UK (@INSIGHTUK2) January 5, 2025

The paedophile network followed a certain modus operandi, systematically targeting mostly poor children from broken homes who resided in care facilities. They would be enticed with taxi rides, sweets, trinkets and food, and as Green points out in FP, the rapists after their own gratification would pass “them around family and friendship networks, pimp them into similar networks in other cities, then discard them as they reached the age of consent… This pattern was repeated in as many as 50 cities across the country, including in leafy Oxford and liberal Bristol. A 2014 inquiry estimated that 1,400 girls had been serially raped in Rotherham alone.”

The abuse, by some accounts, started in the 1960s with the settlement of Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslim immigrants.

The natural question that any sane person would ask is how did the British state for decades allow such a monstrous crime to take place at a mass scale? Was their collective conscience sucked out by dementors?

Why and how did it fail not only in its duty, but become a willing accomplice in perversion of law and natural justice by its non-action and worse, attempted suppression of details? Despite the horrific aspects coming to light of late – mainly due to the relentless amplification of the case by Elon Musk on his social media platform – why did the ruling Labour Party and most British politicians join hands to cancel calls for a new public inquiry into the ‘grooming gangs’, despite the fact that more than three-quarters of Britons right now want a national investigation into the scandal?

To answer these questions, one must observe the peculiar conditions of developed Europe where ‘multiculturalism’ has become a state religion, and it cannot be allowed to fail no matter the cost.

It is evident that the post-second World War liberal consensus is in a shambles across the West. The stubborn belief in ‘multiculturalism’ was in part an ideological conviction, and in part a clever moral justification for the urgent need to import migrant labour since fertility rates have been crashing (most acutely) in the rich world.

Europe must import more working hands or else its wheels would stop rolling. Importing labour is the easy part. Trouble begins when western society is confronted with a religion and culture that holds medieval views towards women, is prone to ghettoisation, resists assimilation in western societies, considers western culture as ‘alien’ and prioritizes community bonding.

For instance, Badrul Hussain, a member of the Newcastle rape gang, “when caught travelling on public transport without a ticket, told the female ticket inspector, ‘All white women are only good for one thing. For men like me to … use like trash. That’s all women like you are worth’. Other testimony from victims details how frequently they were referred to as ‘white slags’ or ‘white whores’,” reports The Telegraph.

What the West does not want to acknowledge owing to an epidemic of political correctness – that Canadian professor and author Gad Saad calls ‘suicidal empathy’ – is that owing to their rapidly growing numbers and religious unity, members of this insular culture not only hold enormous power to mould the politics in western democracies, but also possess increasing ability to exploit the loopholes of an open democratic system.

They also find in the apologetic West a bunch of self-hating people and a virtue-signalling submissive culture that can be dominated, bullied and subjugated.

In Unherd, Dominic Adler, a former police officer, writes that as an officer of the law for 25 years, “I’ve watched senior officers, faced with uncomfortable truths, wriggle like greased piglets. I’ve witnessed logic-defying decisions for nakedly political reasons… The answer, in the end, is simple. Racism, for police services from Chester to Penzance, remains the original sin… This institutional reticence over race goes beyond the police themselves: even the Independent Office for Police Conduct’s (IOPC) review of the rape gang scandal tiptoed around the heritage and religion of offenders.”

The scale of this institutional submission is unimaginable. It perverted the principles of natural justice. The Dharma of administrators and rulers is to govern with fairness and implement the rule of law. The primary duty of a society is to protect its children. It is the key social contract that sustains human civilization and even the natural world. If leaders suffer a collective failure in in enforcing the terms of the social contract – protecting children from harm – due to empathy, greed or fear, the societal norms come unstuck.

As Sam Ashworth-Hayes and Charlie Peters write in The Telegraph, “Denial about the extent of the problem is rooted deep in Britain’s political system. At times, it appears that the government’s approach to multiculturalism is not to uphold the law, but instead to minimise the risk of unrest between communities. Confronted with gangs of predominantly Pakistani men targeting predominantly white children, the state knew exactly what to do. For the good of community relations, it had to bury the story.”

The officers, administrators, council members and leadership were mortally scared and told a distresses parent in Rotherham that the entire town “would erupt if the routine abuse of white children by Pakistani heritage men became public knowledge.”

There are several issues at work here.

First, the rich West, having risen above sustenance concerns and in possession of tremendous wealth and priviledge, is looking for ways to feel morally superior and greater dignity. These feelings are tied to their sense of self-worth in absence of a third world to be “colonised and modernised” or wars to be won.

By dint of suicidal empathy, cultural relativism and an urgent need to feel socially and morally superior, the West has decided that the ills of Islamism, the tenets of a totalitarian ideology that holds seventh century views on women and acts in ways that violates every thread of modern civilizational existence – is a perception problem and can cease to exist if we ‘broaden our provincial minds.’ This fatal dialectic gives rise to the woke mind virus that creates the perfect environment for political Islam and its veto of intolerance to take over.

The second issue, as former police officer Adler writes in Unherd, is that the police were petrified of race-related violence and “chief constables were inclined to see the rape gang scandal as another intractable problem, confined to a marginalised section of the white underclass. To pick at that particular scab might risk public disorder. Better to speak to “community leaders” — to keep the peace, even at the price of allowing organised paedophile networks to operate in plain sight.”

Take the case of the 2014 Jay inquiry into the grooming gang scandal in Rotherham, that found children were “doused in petrol and threatened with being set alight”, “threatened with guns”, “witnessed brutally violent rapes and were threatened that they would be the next victim if they told anyone. Girls as young as 11 were raped by large numbers of male perpetrators, one after the other”. What was the police response?

As The Telegraph reports, “In the same town, a senior police officer allegedly said the abuse had been ‘going on’ for 30 years, adding ‘with it being Asians (read Pakistani Muslims), we can’t afford for this to be coming out.”

In other words, the British state has steadily lost the monopoly over violence. Instead, an outgroup that is ready to indulge in violence to have its way – the veto of violence – is now dictating terms and state policy. In an inversion of administrative priorities, British cops were more scared of a race-related outbreak of aggression – that can only happen if the larger Muslim community goes up in arms against the cops for hauling the rape-gang suspects – than the possible perpetrators of a riot.

This submission of monopoly over violence, and appeasement of a community to buy peace at the cost of young girls being brutalized is a key reason behind police inaction and state failure.

The British state’s moral bankruptcy holds crucial lessons for administrator everywhere. Institutional reticence in the face of absolute evil is incentivization of evil. The hapless, young children who were abandoned by the state to their fate have suffered double injustice. Let’s hope a modicum of sanity prevails and the conspiracy of silence is broken in Britain. The country owes its children better governance than an orchestrated deception.

Read more at: FirstPost.com