Posted on Friday, June 20, 2025
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by Sarah Katherine Sisk
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For all the debate in recent years about how mass unchecked illegal immigration threatens election integrity, there’s one glaring apparent contradiction in American law that almost no one is talking about – and it might be enabling noncitizens to vote.
To become a U.S. citizen – and therefore gain the right to vote in federal elections – noncitizens must pass a naturalization test that measures both English language proficiency and knowledge of U.S. history and government. English proficiency is determined by the ability to “read, write, speak and understand English,” with applicants required to read one sentence, write one sentence, and respond meaningfully to questions in English.
While grammatical, spelling, or pronunciation errors are permitted, applicants must convey meaning clearly to pass. Certain exceptions apply for age, length of residency, or medical disability, but most applicants must demonstrate “an ability to read, write, speak, and understand words in ordinary usage” to meet the naturalization requirements.
But that requirement is in apparent conflict with Section 203 of the Voting Rights Act, which mandates translated voting materials—ballots, instructions, and notices—in counties where a significant number of voting-age citizens belong to a single language minority group and have limited English proficiency. In places like Los Angeles County, that means ballots are printed in 18 languages besides English. In 2024 alone, a total of about 330 jurisdictions nationwide provided approximately 24 million non-English ballots.
The Voting Rights Act, originally passed in 1965 and amended over the years, was critical in ending racial discrimination at the polls and expanding access to the ballot box. But with illegal immigration now a national crisis, there’s legitimate reason for concern that progressive activists and politicians are exploiting Section 203 to enable noncitizen voting – especially in left-leaning states and cities with lax enforcement of election laws to begin with.
This threat undermines the very concept of assimilation and informed participation. If English is required to become a citizen – presumably so new Americans can responsibly engage in civic duties like voting – then why does the government not only allow but mandate ballots in dozens of languages? A shared language is not just a convenience, but a cornerstone of self-government and national unity.
The English requirement for citizenship has deep roots in American law. It began with the Naturalization Act of 1906, which introduced a speaking requirement, and was reinforced by the Nationality Act of 1940, which mandated reading and writing standards. These requirements were designed to ensure that new citizens could fully participate in an English-speaking democratic republic.
By contrast, Section 203 of the Voting Rights Act – added in 1975 – requires translated voting materials in any locality where more than 10,000 voters or over five percent of voting-age citizens belong to a single language minority group, have low literacy rates, and do not speak English well. These dual policies – demanding English for citizenship, but waiving it for voting – are ripe for abuse.
The English proficiency standard for naturalization is not burdensome. Applicants must read and write simple sentences such as “The flag is red, white, and blue.” Most ballots are written at a middle school reading level. If such a standard is reasonable for becoming a citizen, it should be reasonable for voting. Anything less cheapens the value of citizenship and invites legal and logistical inconsistencies.
Supporters of multilingual ballots claim they are essential to preventing disenfranchisement among those who struggle with English. But critics argue the opposite: that providing ballots in multiple languages actually fosters long-term disenfranchisement by discouraging assimilation, fragmenting the electorate, and eroding shared civic norms.
Indeed, these translated ballots carry practical and legal risks. Inaccurate translations and inconsistent formatting can lead to confusion or mistakes. The sheer complexity of multilingual ballot distribution complicates election administration, increases costs, and creates more opportunities for error—or fraud.
Worse still, the availability of non-English ballots may lower the barriers for noncitizen voting. When ballots are available in dozens of languages, verifying a voter’s eligibility becomes harder, and the mechanisms meant to preserve election integrity become less effective.
This concern isn’t merely theoretical. In one instance from last year, a D.C. city government agency held special training sessions aimed at teaching noncitizens how to cast ballots.
This should alarm anyone who cares about fair elections. Our voting system relies on the principle of informed consent by the governed. But if voters can cast ballots in languages other than English—without ever demonstrating an understanding of the country’s civic norms or legal processes—we undermine both assimilation and accountability.
The Founders envisioned a republic where free citizens deliberated in a shared public language. As debates over immigration and national identity grow more divisive, preserving English as the common civic language is more important than ever. If English is necessary to gain citizenship, it should be necessary at the ballot box too.
Sarah Katherine Sisk is a proud Hillsdale College alumna and a master’s student in economics at George Mason University. You can follow her on X @SKSisk76.
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